The History of the World

Indigenous · History Classes · Grades 10–13 · College · University

Grades 10–13 · College · University — How They Were Exterminated

History Class · Level band: Grades 10–13 · College · University

DRAFT — CULTURAL REVIEW PENDING. These history classes are a publisher’s draft blend of the Collection’s Indigenous history research, standing on its own website. Indigenous cultural review precedes any public release of this strand. Readings carry the research labels unchanged: Documented Fact · Tradition — the people’s own account · Debated / Claim. This page carries no advertising.

English edition — the language editions of the history classes are outstanding and will follow the site’s translation pattern; none is fabricated here.

The detailed companion to the Extermination Census and the Genocide Record. The mechanisms, documented with named cases at the Record's fixed evidence levels — and then the nineteen peoples of the Census's Class A, account by account: the blows in the order they fell, the last known members and speakers with dates, and, where the record is thin, exactly how thin. Documented Fact, Tradition and Debated are separated throughout.

Part I — THE MECHANISMS

1. Epidemic disease — the largest killer, and the honest separation

Documented fact — the suite and the waves. The diseases that arrived after 1492 — principally smallpox, measles, influenza, typhus, mumps, whooping cough, chickenpox, bubonic plague, diphtheria, malaria, yellow fever, typhoid fever, and in the nineteenth century cholera — met populations with no previous exposure (Crosby, 1976; Cook, 1998, Born to Die; Nunn & Qian, 2010, summarising Cook; full record in ../practices/diseases.md §1). They arrived in repeated waves over three centuries, repeatedly outrunning face-to-face European contact along Indigenous trade, travel, kinship and warfare routes (Thornton, 1987; Fenn, 2001). Named waves, from the diseases entry:

Documented fact — the scale. On the scholarly consensus, epidemic disease was the largest single cause of the hemispheric collapse, ahead of direct killing (Thornton, 1987; demographic-collapse.md §4). Koch et al. (2019), synthesising 119 published regional estimates, put the pre-1492 population at 60.5 million (IQR 44.8–78.2 million) and found that "European epidemics removed 90% (IQR 87–92%) of the indigenous population over the next century." The percentages are that study's model, quoted with its ranges; the order of magnitude — tens of millions before, a decline of roughly nine-tenths within a century — is consistent across Denevan (1992) and Thornton (1987).

The honest separation, stated plainly. The consensus is that the overwhelming majority of epidemic deaths were unintentional transmissions — no one in 1520 or 1639 understood germ transmission, and epidemics repeatedly reached peoples before Europeans did, which forbids attributing the waves as such to design (Crosby, 1976; Thornton, 1987; Fenn, 2001; disease-and-intent.md §4). Three documented qualifications stand beside that consensus, and this account keeps all three in view:

2. Deliberate disease — held at the fixed evidence levels

Documented — Fort Pitt, 24 June 1763. During Pontiac's War, with smallpox inside the besieged fort, Captain Simeon Ecuyer gave Delaware emissaries items from the smallpox hospital at a parley. Trader William Trent recorded in his journal [PRIMARY DOCUMENT]: "We gave them two blankets and a handkerchief out of the smallpox hospital. I hope it will have the desired effect." Ecuyer certified the items in a reimbursement account approved up the chain. Above the fort, General Jeffery Amherst wrote to Colonel Henry Bouquet, 7 July 1763: "Could it not be contrived to send the Small Pox among those Disaffected Tribes of Indians? We must, on this occasion, use every stratagem in our power to reduce them." Bouquet replied (13 July) that he would "try to inoculate the Indians by means of blankets," and Amherst answered (16 July): "You will do well to try to inoculate the Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try every other method that can serve to extirpate this execrable race." [All PRIMARY DOCUMENTS; full texts in disease-and-intent.md §1.]

What the documents do not establish: that the Fort Pitt gift caused a specific epidemic. Smallpox was already moving through the Ohio Valley; Elizabeth Fenn's standard assessment (Journal of American History, 2000) is that the intent and the attempt are documented and the outcome attribution cannot be proved. The Amherst letters also postdate the fort's distribution — Amherst did not order that specific act. Both halves stand.

Claimed, not evidenced — the 1837 Army-blanket account. The documented 1837 catastrophe ran through a known-infected commercial steamboat, the St. Peter's, whose captain continued up the Missouri for commercial reasons, and through person-to-person spread at Fort Clark (Trimble, 1985; Chardon journal and Fulkerson report, 1837 [PRIMARY]). The stronger claim — that the US Army deliberately distributed infected blankets from a St. Louis infirmary to the Mandan, withheld vaccine, had a doctor advise dispersal, and caused 100,000 deaths — was examined element by element by Thomas Brown (2006) against the primary record and found unsupported in each specific (no Army personnel within ~800 miles; no infirmary blankets; no distribution order). A University of Colorado inquiry (2006) criticised the claim's uncited extreme details while declining a misconduct finding as to its general claim, citing Indigenous oral traditions as some basis for an interpretation — both halves of that finding are part of the record. For this account, as for the Genocide Record: the 1837 deliberate-distribution claim is CLAIMED, NOT EVIDENCED. The documented culpability of 1837 is a commercial decision to keep a known-infected vessel moving, and a vaccination regime that had protected some peoples and not others.

No third case. Beyond Fort Pitt, no comparably documented deliberate-infection case (contemporaneous order + act + paper trail) has been established in the scholarly literature; generalised claims of routine blanket distribution are not held in this record (disease-and-intent.md §3).

3. Massacre and war — the named events

The full record stands in massacres-and-removals.md; the load-bearing events, with their figures as that file fixes them:

A standing note on sexual violence, and on the mutilation of women's bodies. This record names sexual violence as a mechanism where — and only where — the documentary record for a specific event or system carries it. The scholarly frame is Andrea Smith's Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide (2005), which argues that sexual violence functioned as an instrument of colonisation, directed at Indigenous women's bodies as a means of destroying peoples (Smith, 2005, as scholarship). At named-event level in this section, the Sand Creek record is explicit and primary: testimony taken in the 1865 congressional investigations recorded soldiers' mutilation of the bodies of women killed there — Lieutenant James D. Cannon testified to the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War that he heard a soldier say he had cut out a woman's private parts and carried them for exhibition, and of "numerous instances in which men had cut out the private parts of females and stretched them over their saddle-bows, and some of them over their hats" (testimony in the Joint Committee's 1865 proceedings [PRIMARY]; §3 above). In the schools record, the US Department of the Interior's Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, Volume II (30 July 2024), documented physical, sexual and emotional abuse of children in the federal boarding-school system as part of its institutional record (§6.2 above). Beyond these documented instances, the rule of this account is: where a specific event's record does not document sexual violence, it is not asserted of that event — not because the mechanism is doubted at system level (§9.4), but because this record asserts nothing of an event that the event's own evidence does not carry.

4. Starvation — the food base destroyed, the ration withheld

4.1 The buffalo

Documented fact — the kill, with its numbers kept separate. Three figures are routinely conflated; the record separates them. Hornaday (1889, The Extermination of the American Bison), working from railroad figures — the Santa Fe's shipments, tripled by Dodge to stand for the three Kansas lines — estimated ~1,378,359 hides shipped in 1872–74 (an extrapolation, as Taylor, 2011, reconstructing Hornaday, stresses), and applying wastage ratios reached 3,158,730 bison killed by white hide hunters in those three years, ~3.7 million killed in all (Hornaday, 1889; Taylor, 2011). The herd's crash: from an early-19th-century population commonly estimated around 30 million (estimates range ~21 million to 60 million+ — estimates, not counts; Hill, 2014, citing Flores, 1991; Taylor, 2011) to Hornaday's own census of 1,091 bison in total, wild and captive, in 1889 (Hornaday, 1889).

Debated — was the destruction policy? Smits (1994, "The Frontier Army and the Destruction of the Buffalo," Western Historical Quarterly 25:3) documents army escorts, protection, storage, markets and — on hide hunter Frank Mayer's recollection — free ammunition at frontier posts, and argues the traditional view understates army involvement. Against him stand Utley (1973) — there "was never any such policy," only officials who applauded the slaughter — and Wooster (1988). Smits himself concedes the gap: Pratt recalled the destruction being "ordered as a military measure," but "no such written order has ever been found in the extant military records." What is documented in writing:

Debated / Claim — the Sheridan Texas speech (1875), carried as disputed and used for nothing. The famous words — hide hunters "are destroying the Indians' commissary… let them kill, skin, and sell until the buffaloes are exterminated" — survive only in hide hunter John R. Cook's reminiscences (1907), written thirty years later; no official record of the legislative appearance exists. Smits (1994) judged Cook credible; Dobak (1995, "The Army and the Buffalo: A Demur") and Flores conclude the account is almost certainly apocryphal, Flores noting no evidence the Texas legislature ever considered such a bill. It is recorded here at that level. Reported, likewise: Colonel Dodge's "Kill every buffalo you can! Every buffalo dead is an Indian gone" survives in Sir William Butler's 1911 autobiography as recollection of an 1867 conversation (in Smits, 1994) — reported speech, published decades later, not a written order.

4.2 Scorched earth

Documented — the Sullivan Expedition, 1779 [PRIMARY]. Washington's orders to Major General John Sullivan, 31 May 1779 (Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 20; Founders Online): "The immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of their settlements, and the capture of as many prisoners of every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops now in the ground and prevent their planting more." Sullivan's report to Congress (30 September 1779, via the National Park Service) counted 40 towns destroyed and, "at a moderate computation," 160,000 bushels of corn, with orchards — one Cayuga-country orchard alone held 1,500 fruit trees. Over 5,000 Haudenosaunee refugees gathered at Fort Niagara, left "almost wholly dependent upon the British for food, clothing, and equipment" (NPS). The Haudenosaunee name for Washington from this campaign — Town Destroyer, Hanödaga:yas — stands in Haudenosaunee tradition (discussed by Michelson, 2019).

Documented — the Diné, 1863–64. Carleton ordered and Kit Carson executed a scorched-earth campaign — crops, orchards and livestock destroyed to force surrender — before the Long Walk (§5; full record in massacres-and-removals.md §6). The pattern is the same instrument at both ends of a century: destroy the food, and the people must come in or starve.

4.3 The ration withheld

Documented [PRIMARY] — Minnesota, 1862. Under the treaties, Dakota annuities and provisions were legal entitlements, and delay turned them into leverage. Trader Andrew Myrick wrote to his brothers, 26 July 1862 (Office of Indian Affairs Special File 271; via the Minnesota Historical Society): the traders had "all determined not [to] give any more credit hoping to starve them into a change of sentiment," and he had given out no credits for a week "hoping it will produce a reaction. They will get very hungry…" Reported / disputed: the famous shortening — at an August meeting with Agent Galbraith, "if they are hungry let them eat grass or their own dung" (MNHS rendering) — rests on later recollection and its validity is disputed by some historians; it is carried as reported, with Myrick's own letter as the documentary anchor. The annuity gold reached St. Paul only on 16 August 1862; war began 17–18 August; Myrick was among the first killed (MNHS; Anderson, 1986). Systematised: the Code of Indian Offenses (1883) expressly authorised agents to punish listed "offenses" — including ceremony — by withholding government rations for up to thirty days (§7.2). Hunger as an administrative instrument did not end in 1862; it was codified.

5. Removal and confinement — deaths on the roads and in the camps

The full record stands in massacres-and-removals.md §§5–7; the frame:

6. The schools and child removal — the cultural extermination arm

The full records stand in schools.md and sterilization-and-children.md. Child transfer is act (e) of the UN Genocide Convention when done with intent to destroy a group, and birth prevention is act (d) (framing file §1); the systems below are documented here on their own records.

6.1 Canada

6.2 United States

6.3 The prevention of births

7. Habitat and livelihood destruction — the ecological arm

A people can be destroyed without a shot by destroying the system that feeds and organises it. Three documented theatres:

7.1 The Columbia River — the salmon and the falls

Documented fact. Historic Columbia River salmon runs are estimated at 7.5 to 16 million adult fish annually before white settlement (Oregon History Project / Oregon Historical Society; National Research Council, Managing the Columbia River, 2004, gives runs "at times as great as 16,000,000," declining to about 1,000,000 by the 1990s). Canning from 1866 industrialised the take — 39 canneries at the 1883 peak — and the pack fell from about 40.9 million pounds (1883) to about 24.2 million (1888), a 40.8% drop in five years (pack figures compiled in Environments 10:76, 2023); Commissioner Marshall McDonald's 1894 report already documented disappearing spring and summer chinook. At the fishery's human centre stood Celilo Falls (Wyam), fished and traded at for millennia; the 1855 treaties reserved fishing "at all usual and accustomed fishing places," a right the Supreme Court upheld in United States v. Winans (1905). Bonneville Dam flooded the Cascades Rapids in 1938; on 10 March 1957 the reservoir behind The Dalles Dam inundated Celilo Falls, drowning the fishing platforms and displacing the Celilo village community (CRITFC; Oregon History Project). The federal settlement to the affected tribes is given as $26.8 million in some federal and encyclopaedic accounts and $27.2 million by the Oregon Historical Society — the discrepancy is printed, not resolved. A US government Tribal Circumstances Analysis of the federal Columbia River dams, summarised by the Idaho Conservation League (2024), concluded the dams' effects on the tribes were "immense" and "intentional," citing federal documents in which one official asserted that "drown[ing] out the Indian Celilo fishing sites" would "be an important boon to fish conservation." The treaty right survived — the four treaty tribes exercise it today under CRITFC (founded 1977) — but the place was drowned and the run reduced to a fraction.

7.2 The ceremonies banned — because the ceremonies were the economy

Documented — United States. The Code of Indian Offenses (1883, the "Religious Crimes Code") was directed by Secretary of the Interior Henry Teller, who named as "a great hindrance to the civilization of the Indians… the continuance of the old heathenish dances, such as the sun-dance, scalp-dance, etc." The Code prohibited the Sun Dance and the giveaway and authorised agents to use force and imprisonment against Indigenous religious practice, with penalties including withholding of rations for up to thirty days (Wenger, 2009, We Have a Religion; Code of Indian Offenses, 1883). Anti-dance directives continued into the 1920s (Commissioner Burke); the prohibitions were withdrawn by Commissioner Collier in 1933–34 (Circular No. 2970, 1934); general federal protection arrived only with the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978. Documented — Canada. Parliament passed the potlatch ban as an Indian Act amendment in 1884, in force 1885 — both dates appear in the literature because one is passage and the other proclamation — with participation punishable by two to six months' imprisonment. An 1895 amendment extended prohibition to ceremonies involving bodily wounding, aimed at the Sun Dance; a 1914 amendment required official permission for western First Nations people to appear in regalia at dances and shows. All ceremonial prohibitions were dropped only in the 1951 Indian Act revision. Enforcement was real: arrests and confiscations of regalia followed Dan Cranmer's 1921 potlatch at Alert Bay, the regalia much later repatriated through the U'mista Cultural Centre (The Canadian Encyclopedia; U'mista record). The potlatch and the giveaway were systems of food distribution, obligation and renewal — banning them banned a people's welfare system and its law in the same act.

7.3 California — a tended food economy dismantled

Documented fact. California's Indigenous abundance was manufactured: M. Kat Anderson (Tending the Wild, 2005) demonstrates millennia of pruning, coppicing, sowing, transplanting and controlled burning — including burning under oaks to improve the acorn crop, the staple — that produced the park-like landscape Europeans mistook for untouched wilderness. Colonisation dismantled the system: burning suppressed, oak lands fenced, grazed and cleared, fisheries commercially depleted, people removed from the places where tending occurred. Madley (2016), on Cook's demographic estimates, calculates the California Indian population fell from about 150,000 in 1846 to about 30,000 in 1873 — roughly 80% in twenty-seven years — through killing, disease, enslavement and starvation following destruction of Indigenous food sources; a figure reported to the US Senate in 1852 held that over 15,000 California Indians had died of starvation in the preceding year alone (Madley, 2016, summarising the Senate report — carried as a reported contemporary figure, not a count).

8. Legal and paper erasure — the nation ended by document

The last mechanism kills no one directly. It ends nations in law and in record while their people are still alive — and Part II's guard history (the Census, §5.2) shows it repeatedly failing because the people endured. Four instruments, documented:

8.1 Allotment — the land base taken by survey and patent

The General Allotment (Dawes) Act of 8 February 1887 (24 Stat. 388) broke communally held tribal land into individual allotments — typically 160 acres to a head of family, 80 to a single adult, 40 to a child — held in trust for twenty-five years, with the remainder declared "surplus" and opened to non-Indian purchase. The result is one of federal Indian law's most consistently repeated figures: by 1934, when the Indian Reorganization Act ended allotment, nearly 90 million acres of tribal land had been lost — about two-thirds of what tribes held in 1887 (Felix S. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law, 1942, repeated in case law and standard histories). The mechanism was paper as much as force: a survey, a roll, a patent, a surplus declaration.

8.2 Blood quantum — belonging defined as a fraction

Spruhan's standard legal history (2006, South Dakota Law Review 51) concludes that blood quantum "became an important method of defining Indian and tribal membership only in the early twentieth century," appearing "in Indian rolls (typically taken by agents of the U.S. government) before it appeared in law books" — recorded during allotment, sometimes by inspectors' visual assessment, and determining competency and eligibility. The Indian Reorganization Act (1934) then wrote a fraction into federal law, defining "Indian" in part as persons "of one-half or more Indian blood" (48 Stat. 984). The structural consequence has been noted by critics since the allotment era (Jaimes, 1992, among them): a fractional definition, combined with any out-marriage, guarantees that the legally defined population shrinks toward zero across generations whatever the living community does. Blood quantum was a federal administrative import, not an Indigenous criterion of belonging, which ran through kinship, clan, adoption and community recognition (Spruhan, 2006).

Virginia — the erasure at its purest. The Racial Integrity Act of 1924 required racial registration at birth, with a single "Pocahontas exception" (one-sixteenth or less Indian ancestry). Registrar Walter A. Plecker (1912–1946) enforced it against Virginia's tribes — Pamunkey, Mattaponi, Chickahominy, Rappahannock, Monacan, Nansemond and others — directing registrars to refuse "Indian" as an entry and record Virginia Indians as "colored," and altering existing birth, marriage and death records. His 1943 circular asserted that records indicated "there does not exist today a descendant of the Virginia ancestors claiming to be an Indian who is unmixed with negro blood" (Plecker, 1943, in Smith, 2002, Managing White Supremacy). Children were reassigned to "colored" schools; couples could not marry in Virginia as Indians. The term "paper genocide" for this campaign is the term of Virginia tribal leaders, advocates and scholars of the episode — attributed here as their term: the tribes disappeared from every official document the state produced without anyone needing to be killed, a disappearance that then burdened their twentieth-century recognition fights (Smith, 2002). The Act's marriage provisions stood until Loving v. Virginia (1967). And the nations survived the paper: Virginia's tribes stand recognised today — the erasure is filed here as a mechanism that was attempted on a whole people's documentary existence, and failed.

8.3 Termination — recognition withdrawn by statute

House Concurrent Resolution 108 (1 August 1953) declared it the sense of Congress that Indians should "as rapidly as possible, [be made] subject to the same laws… as are applicable to other citizens of the United States, and to end their status as wards of the United States" (67 Stat. B132). Congress then terminated tribe by tribe. Figures — two tallies in circulation, both printed: the precise published tally (Fixico, 1986, Termination and Relocation, reproduced in reference summaries) counts 109 tribes and bands terminated between 1953 and 1964, ~1,365,801 acres of trust land removed from protected status, and 13,263 Native Americans who lost tribal affiliation; a rounder tally in tribal and educational sources gives the same 109 tribes but ~2.5 million acres and ~12,000 people. The discrepancy is in the sources and is not resolved by them. The flagship case: the Menominee Termination Act (1954) took effect in 1961 — the timber-rich reservation became Wisconsin's poorest county, federal health and education services ended — and the Menominee, organising through DRUMS with leaders including Ada Deer, won the Menominee Restoration Act (22 December 1973), the first reversal of a termination. President Nixon had repudiated termination as federal policy in 1970.

8.4 Canada — enfranchisement and the marriage rule

Canada's parallel instrument was enfranchisement: the legal process by which a status Indian ceased, in law, to be an Indian — surrendering status, band membership and treaty rights for a share of band funds and nominal citizenship. Introduced by the Gradual Civilization Act (1857) and Gradual Enfranchisement Act (1869) and carried into the Indian Act (1876), it could be voluntary, automatic (on obtaining a degree or professional qualification; on voting federally, until 1960) or imposed (Library of Parliament legislative summaries; Indigenous Foundations, UBC). Its gendered core was section 12(1)(b) of the 1951 Indian Act: a status woman who married a non-status man automatically lost her status — and with it band membership, the right to live on reserve, to inherit reserve property, to be buried there — and her children were born without status through her line; a status man marrying out lost nothing and his wife gained status. The "double mother rule," s. 12(1)(a)(iv), stripped status at twenty-one from those whose mother and paternal grandmother both held status only through marriage. The Supreme Court upheld s. 12(1)(b) in Lavell (1974); the UN Human Rights Committee found Canada in breach of the ICCPR in Lovelace v. Canada (1981). Bill C-31 (1985) repealed the marriage rule, abolished enfranchisement, and reinstated status to women who had lost it — published reinstatement totals vary by date and method, from an initial ~16,200 to roughly 100,000+ restored over the following decade (Indigenous Foundations, UBC; Indian Act histories). But C-31 built the s. 6(1)/6(2) hierarchy and with it what critics, including Lawrence (2003), call the "second-generation cut-off" — enfranchisement by arithmetic, deferred one generation — a criticism attributed here to those critics, which later bills (C-3, 2011; S-3, 2017–19) only partly answered.

8.5 The mechanism that failed — the guard cases

Paper extinction was repeatedly declared over peoples who were alive. The Census's guard cases (Census §5.2, filed Class B) are the proof, and they belong inside this mechanism's account as its falsification record: the Selk'nam, taught as extinct in Chilean textbooks, recognised by Chile as a living Indigenous people by Law 21.606 (19 October 2023) — the Senate record naming the state's responsibility for "declaring this people 'extinct' while their descendants were living" — with 2,761 self-identified Selk'nam in Argentina's 2010 census; the Karankawa, whose Handbook of Texas entry opened "The now-extinct Karankawa Indians" until the Handbook rewrote it in November 2020 to close: "Karankawas remain on their homelands as a persistent people"; the Charrúa, declared gone after Salsipuedes (1831), with 159,319 people declaring Charrúa descent in Uruguay's 2011 census; the Xetá, named by Brazil's Truth Commission (2014) among peoples against whom the dictatorship committed genocide, whose eight named survivors gathered in 1997 and demanded recognition "as survivors of the Xetá ethnic group." A declaration of extinction is an act of record, not a fact of life; §II and the Census count endings only where people, language and culture are all actually missing — which is why this mechanism, for all its documented reach, closes fewer nations in Part II than any other in this Part.

9. Enslavement — the traffic in people

The mechanisms in §§1–8 killed people where they lived, or ended their nations on paper. This one took the people themselves — seized them, moved them, sold them, and worked them under coercion until, in very large numbers, they died. It belongs in this Part in its own right, and not only as background to the epidemics: Paul Kelton's work on the Southeast, cited in §1, showed that the slave trade was itself one of the systems that made epidemic disease catastrophic there, and Andrés Reséndez's hemispheric study concludes that slavery and epidemic cannot be disentangled — raids spread infection, dead captives had to be replaced, and replacement spurred further raids (Reséndez, 2016).

9.1 The frame — Reséndez, and the estimate labelled as an estimate

Andrés Reséndez, The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America (2016) is the standard modern synthesis, and this section follows its frame. (Its full treatment, including Reséndez's Caribbean argument, already stands in caribbean-and-conquest.md §4 and is not duplicated here.) Reséndez's argument, in brief: Indigenous slavery was not a brief conquest-era episode. It ran from 1492 into the late nineteenth century, coexisted throughout with African slavery, and survived its own repeated legal abolition — beginning with Spain's New Laws of 1542 — by changing its legal form. What made all its forms one system, in his definition, was a constant set of features beneath the changing paperwork: forcible removal from one's place; inability to leave the workplace; violence, or the threat of it, to compel work; and nominal or no pay (Reséndez, 2016).

The scale — a scholarly estimate, labelled. Reséndez's hemispheric estimate is that between 2.5 million and 5 million Indigenous people were enslaved in the Americas between 1492 and 1900 (Reséndez, 2016, appendix 1). It is an estimate built by summing documented regional trades and systems whose records are fragmentary by design — slavers avoided official notice — and it is carried in this record at exactly that level, as one scholar's reasoned range, never as a count. The named, documented cases in §9.3 below are the floor beneath it.

9.2 The legal camouflage — the forms, one by one

The system's durability was a paperwork achievement. Each form below presented coerced Indigenous labour as something else in law; each is given with the perpetrators' own category quoted and labelled.

9.2a How the traffic worked — raiding, markets, and the demographic synergy

Three features recur across four centuries and every legal form in §9.2, and they are what made enslavement an exterminating mechanism rather than only an economic one. First, the supply was war. Captives were taken in raids and in declared wars — by Europeans directly, and by Indigenous suppliers armed, paid and protected by colonial markets, a role into which peoples were themselves driven by the trade's pressures: Gallay's Southeast (§9.3) shows nation after nation taking up raiding because a people that would not raid for the market became the market's prey (Gallay, 2002). Reséndez documents the same supplier structure in the Spanish borderlands, where the trade reorganised Indigenous warfare itself around captive-taking (Reséndez, 2016). Second, the traffic selected women and children. They were the majority of the exported in the Carolina trade's records, the preferred captives in the Southwest trade, and the whole object of the apprenticeship statutes — because they were held to be more readily controlled, because their labour was wanted in households and fields, and because holding them severed a people's future in the most literal way: children taken did not grow up in their nations, and women taken did not raise children in them (Gallay, 2002; Newell, 2015; Reséndez, 2016). Third, enslavement and epidemic compounded each other. Raids scattered refugees, concentrated captives in barracoons, missions and transport, and moved infection along the trade routes; epidemic deaths among captives created replacement demand that spurred new raids (Reséndez, 2016; Kelton, 2007, in §1). A people could therefore be destroyed by the traffic without any single massacre: raided for its women and children, scattered by flight, thinned by the diseases the raiding spread, and recorded a generation later — if recorded at all — as a remnant absorbed into other peoples. Several of Part II's nation accounts show exactly that signature, with the Florida peoples carried to Charles Town for sale (§II.2) among them.

9.3 Named cases — the documented floor

9.4 Sexual violence inside enslavement

Documented at mechanism level. Andrea Smith, Conquest: Sexual Violence and American Indian Genocide (2005), argues as scholarship that sexual violence was not a by-product of colonisation but one of its instruments: that the colonisers' treatment of Indigenous women's bodies as violable and pollutable was a logic of the conquest itself, operating through slavery, the missions, the schools, and military practice (Smith, 2005 — an interpretive scholarly argument, carried as such). The documentary record beneath the argument, at the level this section asserts it: enslavement everywhere in §9.3 was a traffic disproportionately in women and children — Gallay's Carolina export figures are majority women and children in the trade's own records (Gallay, 2002); captives distributed into households, in New England and New Mexico alike, lived under the total power of the households that held them, and the court and mission records preserve individual cases of sexual coercion and assault by holders (Newell, 2015; Reséndez, 2016); and women captives' children were themselves held as slaves, which is the trade's own arithmetic of sexual exploitation (§9.2, chattel form). Discipline, stated for this subsection in particular: sexual violence is documented here at mechanism level — as a documented feature of the system of enslavement, on the scholarship and the case records named. It is not asserted of any specific raid, mission, household, or event in §9.3 whose own record does not document it, and no figure for it exists or is implied. Where a named event's record does document it, this account says so at that event (see the standing paragraph prepared for §3, Part B of the snippets file).

9.5 What cannot be held to standard

Sources for Part A: Reséndez, The Other Slavery (2016) • Gallay, The Indian Slave Trade (2002) • Newell, Brethren by Nature (2015) • Montoya, Conquista Espiritual (1639) [primary witness] • Melià (1988) and Monteiro (2000) on the Guayrá bandeiras, via the scholarly literature • Catholic Encyclopedia, "Reductions" (1912), for the older 30,000 summary • Madley, An American Genocide (2016) • Smith, Conquest (2005) • companion files caribbean-and-conquest.md §4, california-missions.md, putumayo.md, mystic-and-philips-war.md (cross-referenced).

Part II — THE NATION ACCOUNTS

The Census's 19 Class A peoples, in the Census's order. Each account follows the record's own sequence: how the people first stand in the European record; the blows in the order they fell; the end — the last known members and speakers, with dates where the record gives them; and what survives, or how little. The governing note for the whole Part stands at the Florida accounts: the final transports to Cuba are documented by John E. Worth from the Archivo General de Indias and the Guanabacoa parish records, and they are counted by group, not by nation — in spring 1711, 270 south-Florida refugees were taken to Havana, of whom more than 200 died of typhus and smallpox within three months, the survivors dispersed among Cuban householders and only 16–18 later returned (Worth, 2004, citing Hann, 2003); after a final Creek raid on 17 May 1760, 60–70 surviving "Keys Indians" — the aggregated south-Florida remnant — left for La Cabaña, Havana; and in fall 1763, 89 mission Indians in total from the last two St. Augustine missions (Nombre de Dios and Tolomato) were transported to Guanabacoa. Bernard Romans's 1775 claim of "about eighty families" of Calusa leaving in 1763 is irreconcilable with the archival counts and is carried as a late, inflated report (Romans, 1775, via Worth, 2004).

II.1 Beothuk — Newfoundland

The record. The Beothuk of the island of Newfoundland stand in European accounts from the earliest contact era; the detailed record of their ending is the register's own (Extinction Register, ../extinction/beothuk.md; Cormack's record of Shanawdithit, 1828–29; Marshall, 1996, A History and Ethnography of the Beothuk).

The blows in order. (1) Displacement from the food base: European settlement of the coasts cut the Beothuk off from the marine foods — seals, salmon, shellfish — their economy depended on; inland subsistence could not support them, producing undernourishment and starvation (§7's mechanism, worked by geography rather than decree). (2) Disease: smallpox introduced by contact, and endemic tuberculosis. (3) Violence and capture: violent encounters with trappers and settlers, including the 1819 killing of Chief Nonosbawsut and the capture of Demasduit, Shanawdithit's aunt. Debated / Claim: that French bounties induced Mi'kmaq to kill Beothuk is alleged in some accounts and disputed by most historians — the scholarship's "Mercenary Myth"; it is not stated as fact here.

The end. By 1768 one standard summary puts the Beothuk at fewer than 400 people, pushed onto the Exploits River system; early-19th-century estimates vary from about 150 to 3,000 and this account picks neither (Register, beothuk.md). Taken in April 1823, Shanawdithit told Cormack that to her knowledge only a dozen Beothuk survived. She died of tuberculosis in St. John's on 6 June 1829 — the last known Beothuk. What survives: her ten drawings and the vocabulary she taught Cormack — a fragmentary word record from which the language cannot be reconstructed to speaking. Claims of Beothuk ancestry through intermarriage stand in scholarship and Mi'kmaq oral history as claims, printed and not adopted in the Census; no Beothuk community or polity descends in the record.

II.2 Timucua — northern Florida and southern Georgia

The record. The Timucua-speaking peoples — never one polity but dozens of chiefdoms — are first met in European records on the northeast coast by Ponce de León (1513), then in sustained encounter with Ribault (1562), Laudonnière's Fort Caroline (1564–65) among the Saturiwa, and Menéndez de Avilés (1565) (Milanich, 1995; Hann, 1996, A History of the Timucua Indians and Missions). Population, disputed: the widely repeated figure is ~200,000 at contact falling to ~50,000 by 1595 (Milanich, 1999, summarised in Hann, 1996); conservative Florida-wide reconstructions put all Timucuans at ~40,000. The 200,000 is carried as an upper estimate, not a census.

The blows in order. Inside the Franciscan mission system, begun in earnest in 1587, the epidemics are documented by name and year: 1613–17 (contemporaries said half died — Pareja et al., 1617, in Worth, 1998); 1649–50; 1655–59 ("plague and smallpox… very few Indians" left in Timucua Province, Governor Rebolledo, 1657; Chief Lucas Menéndez said almost half of Timucua Province died in 1655 alone); 1672; and later waves (Bushnell, 1982; Hann, 1988). Labour drafts (repartimiento) for St. Augustine, mission consolidation and declining fertility compounded the mortality (Stojanowski, 2005, reviewing Larsen et al., 2001). The Timucua Rebellion of 1656 against labour drafts and the governor's abuses was suppressed with executions and exile (Hann, 1996; Worth, 1998). After 1700 came the finish by war: English-allied Creeks burned Santa Fé de Toloca (May 1702); Governor Moore of Carolina's force burned the coastal missions (October 1702); his 1704 Apalachee invasion broke the western chain; a 1706 raid "completed the ruin" of the Timucua missions (Catholic Encyclopedia, "Timucua Indians," 1912, summarising Spanish reports; Worth, 1998). Mission Indians — Spain refused them firearms — were killed or carried to Charles Town for sale.

The end. The count narrows on paper: ~1,000 remaining by 1700; ~250 by c. 1720; 176 in 1726; 26 by 1752 in some counts (Milanich, 1995 / Worth, 1998 sequence; figures vary by whether refugee villages are counted). The remnant coalesced at Nombre de Dios and Tolomato by St. Augustine and was part of the 89 who went to Guanabacoa in 1763 — of whom mortality in Cuba exceeded 50% before 1770 (Worth, 2004). Juan Alonso Cavale, "the last known Timucuan Indian to have Florida-born Timucuan parents," died in Guanabacoa on 14 November 1767 (Worth, 1998); his sons by a Yamasee mother survived into a mixed population. THIN: claims of Timucua speakers into the early 1800s circulate without a named, sourced last speaker in Hann, Worth or Granberry. The language is the exception to Florida's thinness: Pareja's grammar and confessionarios (1612–1614) preserve a large written corpus — documentation, not survival.

II.3 Calusa — southwest Florida

The record. First contact was hostile and stayed so: Ponce de León landed on the southwest coast in May 1513, was attacked by shielded canoes, and departed; in 1521 he returned to colonise and was mortally wounded by the Calusa (Hann, 1991, Missions to the Calusa; Marquardt, 2004). The captive Fontaneda (held c. 1549–1566) is a principal source. Eyewitnesses reported over 4,000 gathered for Menéndez's 1566 alliance ceremony with King Carlos at Mound Key (MacMahon & Marquardt, 2004); modern population estimates range 4,000–7,000, up to 10,000–20,000 for the wider paramountcy — divergent, no census exists.

The blows in order. The Calusa uniquely resisted missionisation for two centuries: the Jesuit mission and Fort San Antón de Carlos (1567–69) failed; a Franciscan mission in 1697 lasted months (Hann, 1991). Isolation spared them the worst mission epidemics — they remained in their home towns, c. 2,000 in the late 1690s (Hann, 1991) — but left them without firearms. After 1702–06, Carolina-armed Yamasee, then Creek/Uchise slaving raids plunged south; Worth (2003/2004) reports as many as 10,000 south-Florida captives sold in seven years — a contemporary reported total for the whole south, not Calusa alone. Survivors fled to the Keys and Miami.

The end. In 1711 about 50 Calusa, including the hereditary chief and his heir, were among the 270 taken to Havana; c. 200 of the 270 died within three months, including, Worth notes, the entire Calusa noble lineage (Worth, 2004). A 1743 Jesuit mission at Biscayne Bay for Keys survivors lasted months. The final remnant was among the 60–70 who left in 1760 — not 1763 — for La Cabaña and then likely Guanabacoa; Worth concludes there is "no reason to suspect any remnants of the Calusa in Florida after 1760" (Florida Museum, 2002). One named survivor in Cuba: Leonor de Sayas, a Calusa woman who bore daughters in Guanabacoa in 1729 and 1731 (Worth, 2004). Later claims of Calusa descendants in Cuba are unverified (Census). The language: THIN — a dozen words with translations and 50–60 place-names survive in total (Granberry, 1994; 2011; Hann, 2003); no last speaker is named anywhere.

II.4 Tequesta — Biscayne Bay

The record. Ponce de León stopped in 1513 at the bay he called Chequesta, where the main Tequesta village stood at the Miami River's mouth (Hann, 2003). Menéndez was received in 1565 and in March 1567 planted a Jesuit mission in a stockade with 30 soldiers; it was abandoned by 1570 after soldiers executed the chief's uncle (Hann, 2003; HistoryMiami, Tequesta journal, 2018). No sourced contact population exists for Tequesta alone — regional guesses run to 5,000–10,000, and one archaeological model estimates c. 2,225 for all coastal Palm Beach County, about a third Tequesta: THIN, modelling, not a count.

The blows in order. Spain thereafter largely left Biscayne Bay alone; the Tequesta salvaged wrecks and traded with Havana, nearer than St. Augustine. Disease from sustained contact is asserted generally in Florida sources, but no dated Tequesta epidemic wave is named in Hann (2003) — THIN for specifics. The shattering blow was Queen Anne's War slaving: from 1704, Carolina-armed Yamasee, Yuchi and Creek raiders drove the Tequesta from the mainland to the Keys (Hann, 2003). Spanish policy from 1704 was removal to Cuba: a first Keys group mostly died; the 1711 transport of 270 included Miami/Tequesta-area people (listed as "Miami," Tancha and others), of whom over 200 died; only 16–18 of that transport ever returned. A second Biscayne mission attempt (1743) lasted under three months before the Havana governor ordered it burned to deny it to the Uchise (Hann, 2003).

The end. Tequesta remnants in the Keys were among the 60–70 evacuated in 1760; Romans in the 1770s found their villages abandoned. No separate Tequesta count, no named last survivor, and no Tequesta vocabulary beyond place-names and a few words is recorded — the thinnest kind of ending: a people whose end-state is an emptied shoreline in a traveller's sentence.

II.5 Ais — the Indian River Lagoon

The record. The Ais paramountcy held the lagoon from Cape Canaveral to St. Lucie Inlet. Formal Spanish diplomacy begins with Menéndez's 1565 visit and Álvaro Mexía's 1605 mission and map, on which the Ais agreed to ransom wreck survivors; Governor Ibarra's presidio of Santa Lucía (1565) in Ais country was quickly driven out (Hann, 2003, via EBSCO Research Starters summary; Lyon, 2013). No sourced contact population for the Ais alone exists — an older joint figure of c. 2,000 for Jeaga, Jobe and Ais together is not an Ais census. The best eyewitness is Jonathan Dickinson, wrecked in 1696 and held a month at Jece, the paramount town, whose chief ruled the coast's towns (Dickinson, 1699).

The blows in order. Seaborne English slaving and piracy in the mid-to-late 1600s already pushed the Ais toward the Spanish alliance. After c. 1700 Carolina settlers and their Indigenous allies raided the Ais directly, "killing some and carrying captives to Charles Town to be sold as slaves" (Hann, 2003). By 1715 Spanish salvage crews reported only a few Ais fishermen on the coast (Rouse, 1951). A 1743 mission attempt among south-Florida refugees found Ais numbers already collapsed from "slave raids, disease and rum" (secondary summary of Hann, 2003 — the rum detail is secondary and marked THIN).

The end. The Ais disappear as a named polity from area records after 1760 (Hann, 2003). EBSCO's summary has the remaining Ais, "probably numbering a few hundred," removed to Cuba with neighbours after the 1763 cession — but Worth's archival work places the south-Florida remnant's departure in 1760, in the combined 60–70, with no Ais-specific manifest. No named last survivor or speaker is recorded; even the language's affiliation is debated (Granberry's Chitimacha link is contested — THIN).

II.6 Jaega (Jeaga) — Jupiter Inlet

The record. The Jaega held Jupiter Inlet and the coast south of the Ais, centred on the town the Spanish called Jobe/Hobe. Ponce de León's ships passed or landed at Jupiter Inlet in 1513 — per Herrera's rendering of the log, Jaega men tried to seize a launch and wounded two Spaniards; the identification rests on location (Palm Beach County History). Spanish soldiers built Fort Santa Lucía at Jupiter Inlet in 1565–66; initially friendly Jaega attacked it and forced withdrawal within a year (Hann, 2003). No contact population figure exists (the joint figure under §II.5 includes them).

The blows in order. There is no Jaega mission, no named Jaega epidemic, and no separate Jaega war in the record — THIN: the Jaega were a junior partner of the Ais (Dickinson, 1696, found Jobe subject to the Ais paramount at Jece), and their end is visible only as part of the east-coast collapse after 1704, when Yamasee/Creek slaving raids depopulated the coast (Hann, 2003; Worth, 2003). Worth's manifest for the 1711 Havana transport lists 220 non-Calusa refugees including people of "Jove" (Jobe/Jaega) among the 270 — over 200 of whom died within three months (Worth, 2004). A Jaega name surfaces once more in Governor Montiano's 1738 letter — a scout meeting the Bomto chief at "the town of Jaega" in connection with a central-Florida battle involving Mayaca, Pohoy and Amacapira (Hann, 2003) — evidence a place or remnant persisted, not a functioning polity.

The end. Swanton (1922) concluded the 18th-century Jaega were "probably merged with the Ais, Tequesta, and other tribes of this coast, and removed with them to Cuba" — which means: if Jaega were in the final evacuation, they were inside the 1760 combined 60–70, unnamed. No Jaega word-list, last survivor or last speaker is recorded. The record essentially ends in 1738.

II.7 Jororo — the Kissimmee valley

THIN throughout — the sparsest record of the Florida eight. The Jororo lived south of the Mayaca in the Kissimmee River valley lake country and spoke the Mayaca language (Hann, 2003). They first appear in Spanish records only in the 1680s; there is no 16th-century contact narrative, no contact population figure, and no recoverable pre-1680 documentary history. Any earlier "first contact" date would be invention, and none is given.

The blows in order. Their documented history is the late mission province: in the 1690s Spain planted Concepción de Atoyquime, San Joseph de Jororo, and a mission at Atissimi/Jizime — small, sparse, increasingly repopulated with Yamasee and other refugees as Jororo numbers fell. In the 1696–97 Jororo revolt — sparked, on Florida summaries of Hann, by harsh punishment at Atoyquime — a friar, a Christian chief and two Guale boys were killed; a Jororo village was found deserted, its church desecrated, and Jororo guides led a pursuing Spanish party three days into the swamp and abandoned them (Governor Torres y Ayala, 3 February 1697, Hann Collection translation; Hann, 2003). Spanish reprisal hunts followed for years.

The end. After the province broke, the Jororo appear only allied with the Mayaca remnant at Lake Okeechobee, in the 1738–39 battles (see §II.8) — the last clear Jororo reference found. There is no record of Jororo in the 1711, 1760 or 1763 Cuba transports by name, no Cuba death figure, and no last survivor or speaker. Their disappearance — into the Okeechobee refugee aggregate, the St. Augustine refugee missions, or death — is inference, and is labelled as such.

II.8 Mayaca — the upper St. Johns

The record. The Mayaca held the upper St. Johns valley south of Lake George. Spaniards first encountered them in 1566, ransoming Frenchmen they held; in 1567 Mayaca joined Saturiwa and Potano, with Spanish aid, against the Agua Dulce Timucua (Hann, 2003). Fontaneda implied their language was related to Ais. No contact population figure exists — THIN.

The blows in order. The Mayaca chief was reported converted by 1597; a mission, San Salvador de Mayaca, existed by the early 1600s and still in 1655, then vanishes from the lists until it reappears in 1680 as a "new conversion" — whose inhabitants by then seem to have been mostly Yamasee, not Mayaca (Hann, 2003). That substitution is itself the demographic evidence: by the 1680s, Chachises, Malaos and refugee Yamasee formed much or most of the "Mayaca province" population. The Timucua mission epidemics of 1649–59 are the plausible context, but no Mayaca-specific epidemic death count is documented — THIN. In the 1690s Mayaca-Jororo missions were planted and Spanish ranches operated; the 1696–97 disturbances killed a friar and converts there too. In 1708, English-allied raids drove part of the Mayaca to refuge around St. Augustine and others south to Lake Okeechobee — long after called Lake Mayaca.

The end. At Okeechobee the refugees fought the 1738–39 battles alongside Jororo and Bomto against Calusa, Pojoy and Amacapiras, with c. 300 deaths in the series of fights, including a Uchise raid on the Pojoy (Hann, 2003). Some Mayaca were still living near Lake Okeechobee in 1743 — the last dated sighting in Hann. No Mayaca are named in the 1760 or 1763 Cuba lists; local-tradition claims that Okeechobee Mayaca reached Cuba are unproven (THIN). End by 1743–c. 1750: disappearance from the record, presumed absorption or death. No vocabulary beyond names; no last speaker recorded.

II.9 Acuera — the Oklawaha valley

The record. Acuera was a Timucua-speaking province — Pareja listed "Santa Lucía de Acuera" among the Timucua dialects, among the most divergent (Hann, 1996) — on the Oklawaha River near Lake Weir and Lake Griffin (Milanich & Hudson, 1993; Boyer, 2010). First contact was violent extraction: in 1539, de Soto, camped at Ocale, twice sent soldiers to seize maize from Acuera, and the Acuera fiercely resisted (de Soto chronicles; Boyer, 2009). No population figure exists — THIN.

The blows in order. The cacica of Acuera rendered obedience at St. Augustine in 1597; Acuera sent labourers to St. Augustine 1597–1602 and traded deerskins, chestnuts and pots (Hann, 1996). Missions followed — San Blas de Habino (after 1610, abandoned by the late 1620s), Santa Lucía de Acuera (by 1627), San Luis de Eloquale (by 1630) — but uniquely, Acuera maintained a parallel traditional religious authority openly alongside the friars, conversion apparently largely confined to chiefs and refugees (Boyer, 2009; 2017). In the late 1620s Utiaca people were resettled to keep the St. Johns crossing manned because the neighbouring Agua Dulce were "greatly reduced" — the local face of epidemic decline; Timucua mission communities were hit hard again in the 1650s epidemics (§II.2).

The end. After the 1656 Timucua Rebellion, no Acuera mission appears in Spanish records; Spain consolidated on the Camino Real and abandoned Acuera. The Acuera apparently defied the consolidation order and remained, non-Christian, in their homeland for another forty years, with multiple towns and traditional government — the 1678 trial of Calesa, nephew of Chief Jabahica, for ritual murders shows that system still operating (Boyer, 2010). Last record: 1697, when non-Christian Acuera living with the Ayapaja under one chief left their village to "live in the woods" (Hann, 1996). Thereafter silence — predating the 1702–06 slaving destruction, so Acuera cannot be placed in the 1763 Guanabacoa 89 by name, though Acuera-descended individuals may be hidden inside the St. Augustine refugee missions (inference only). Their dialect survives only as words inside Pareja's Timucua works; no last speaker is named. Their ending is the quietest in this Part: not a transport or a massacre — a people who refused the mission, outlasted it, and walked out of the documentary record into the woods.

II.10 Susquehannock (Conestoga) — the Susquehanna Valley

The record. John Smith met about 60 Susquehannock warriors at the Susquehanna's mouth in 1608 and reported they could make "neere 600 able and mighty men" (Smith, in Kent, 1984, Susquehanna's Indians). From the 1620s they traded furs with Virginia and with Dutch and Swedish traders on Delaware Bay, obtaining muskets in the 1630s (Kent, 1984). Population at contact is disputed: a widely repeated estimate is 5,000–7,000 in 1600 (Kent tradition), a lower modern estimate ~2,000 — no census exists; the range is carried as estimates.

The blows in order. Maryland declared them enemies in 1641–42; fighting ran intermittently to the Articles of Peace and Friendship (1652), in which they relinquished Chesapeake claims (Kent, 1984). They suffered smallpox in 1661, yet withstood a Haudenosaunee siege in 1663 and destroyed an Onondaga war party in 1666. By the 1670s epidemics and war had thinned them. After a reported major defeat c. 1674 — Francis Jennings disputed that the Haudenosaunee could have mounted it — they built a palisaded fort on Piscataway Creek, Maryland; in September 1675 a ~1,000-man Virginia and Maryland militia besieged it for six weeks and summarily executed five sachems summoned to a parley; the Susquehannock escaped by night in early November (Maryland Historical Trust synthesis; Kent, 1984). Retaliatory raids in January 1676 helped precipitate Bacon's Rebellion. In March 1677 most of those sheltering with the Lenape merged with the Cayuga, Oneida and Onondaga — adoption and absorption as full members, in Tooker's formulation, not subjection. A mixed Susquehannock–Seneca village on the Conestoga River became Conestoga Town; William Penn visited in 1700, and a 1701 deed and treaty set aside land for their use in Manor Township (Digital Paxton; Kenny, 2009, Peaceable Kingdom Lost).

The end. Through the 1700s the community shrank by out-migration, impoverishment and land sales; by the 1740s Seneca was dominant and few could still speak the "ancient tongue." The language survives mainly in Campanius's c. 100-word Vocabula Mahakuassica (1640s) and is conventionally dated extinct as of 1763 (Mithun, 1981). A specific "1761 last fluent speaker" date could not be verified in any source consulted for this account and is not asserted. By 1763 twenty people remained at Conestoga Town — seven men, five women, eight children (Franklin, A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County, 1764). On 14 December 1763, some fifty Paxton Boys killed the six found there, including the leader Sheehays (Franklin's spelling: Shehaes), and burned the town. The remaining fourteen, taken into protective custody in the Lancaster workhouse, were broken in upon and murdered, scalped and dismembered on 27 December. None of the killers was arrested or tried (Franklin, 1764; Kenny, 2009). Two former inhabitants, Michael and Mary, survived because they were living on a settler's farm. The Census's caveat stands on this line: Susquehannock people did not vanish biologically — descendants lived among the Oneida (six pressed a Lancaster land claim in 1845) and Susquehannock ancestry persists among the Seneca–Cayuga Nation and Six Nations of the Grand River. What ended in December 1763 was the distinct polity and its last town — exterminated as a nation in its homeland, by murder, under a government's protection that arrived as a workhouse and failed there.

II.11 Yahi — the Lassen foothills, California

The record. The Yahi were the southernmost group of the Yana people, in the Deer Creek and Mill Creek country of northern California; the Yana population before contact is estimated at approximately 3,000 in the standard Ishi literature (Extinction Register, ../extinction/yahi.md; Kroeber, 1961).

The blows in order. Gold Rush–era massacre and bounty violence reduced them in steps the register can date. At the Three Knolls Massacre (1865) approximately 30 Yahi survived an attack on Ishi's family group; cattlemen then killed about half of those survivors. The remnant — a band of roughly 5 to 20 people in contemporary summaries — hid in the foothills for some forty years (c. 1870–1911). A 1908 survey party's raid on their camp scattered the last family group; after his mother's and companions' deaths, one man lived alone for three years.

The end. On 29 August 1911 he emerged alone near Oroville — Ishi, the last known Yahi. He lived at the University of California's Museum of Anthropology in San Francisco from September 1911, worked with Waterman, Kroeber and (in summer 1915) Sapir, and died of tuberculosis on 25 March 1916 — a man without immunity to common diseases, in the institution that housed him. The record's own correction stands on this line, as the Census carries it: at the 2000 repatriation of his remains, Smithsonian director Robert Fri stated that "Ishi was not the last of his kind" — Yana relatives and descendants survive in northern California; what ended in 1916 was the Yahi nation and its dialect as a living community. What survives: 148 wax-cylinder recordings (5 hours 41 minutes) of Ishi speaking, singing and telling stories in Yahi, made with Waterman and Kroeber — a 2010 addition to the Library of Congress National Recording Registry — and Sapir's 1915 linguistic record. His brain, sent to the Smithsonian in 1917, was returned on 10 August 2000 to the Redding Rancheria and Pit River tribes, with his cremated remains, for burial in a place kept undisclosed.

II.12 Caquetío — the Venezuelan coast and the ABC islands

The record, and how thin it is. The Caquetío held northwestern Venezuela — the Falcón coast and Lake Maracaibo's shores — and Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire; their language is classified Arawakan (Granberry & Vescelius, 2004; Aikhenvald, 1999). It is a "ghost language": only the name and short wordlists survive, in 17th-century texts. Ojeda reached the islands in 1499; perhaps 600 Caquetío lived on Aruba at Spanish arrival (Haviser, 1991).

The blows in order. In 1513 the three islands were declared islas inútiles — "useless islands" — and in 1515 some 2,000 Caquetío from the three islands combined were forcibly taken to Hispaniola to work in mines, "presumably the entire population of the islands"; 150–200 were returned to Aruba and Curaçao in 1526 to work brazilwood exports, and mainland-to-Aruba migrations of escapees followed in 1529–1556 (Haviser, 1991). On the pearl fisheries: the documented Cubagua divers were Guaiquerí from Margarita, with slave-raiding radiating from the pearl coast as divers died (Warsh; Domínguez Torres, 2017) — no source consulted names Caquetío among the Cubagua drafts, and none is assigned here. On the mainland, Santa Ana de Coro was founded 26 July 1527 under a covenant respecting the Caquetío chief Manaure; the covenant was broken in 1529 when Ehinger arrived for the Welser of Augsburg, whose Klein-Venedig regime ran to 1545. Under the Dutch (Curaçao 1634, Aruba 1636), remaining Indians were deported to the mainland or scattered and absorbed; a group described as Caquetío still migrated from Aruba to found El Carrizal on the mainland in 1723.

The end — and what is not known. There is no mainland last mention and no mainland population figure at all. For Aruba, secondary reports conflict: Dutch-record traditions give the death of Nicolaas Pyclas, called the last full-blooded Caquetío, as 1843 in one version and 1862 in another, the latter also given as the language's extinction date (Caquetío records citing Dutch government records; Glottolog arub1238). The conflict is the record, and is printed unresolved. Amerindian mitochondrial DNA in modern Arubans attests ancestry, not survival of the Caquetío as a people or language.

II.13 Guanahatabey — western Cuba

Attestation disputed — the dispute is part of the account. The Guanahatabey are placed in far western Cuba (Rouse, 1992). Everything early is second-hand: in April 1494 Columbus's Taíno interpreter could not understand the people of the Batabanó shore (Granberry & Vescelius, 2004, citing Rouse, 1992); the name first appears in Governor Velázquez's 1514 report — they "have neither houses nor villages nor fields, nor eat anything except the meat they get in the mountains and turtles and fish" (Velázquez, 1514, in Colección de Documentos Inéditos VII:35). Las Casas, who lived at Canareo 1513–1515, stated he had never come into contact with them and had only heard the same report. Keegan (1989) argued the Velázquez report should be discounted — the descriptions may reflect Taíno informants' legends — and Granberry & Vescelius reject the discounting; both positions stand here. In the 20th century scholars conflated them with the Ciboney (Western Taíno); Las Casas distinguished the two (Saunders, 2005).

Of the language, not a single word has been documented (Granberry & Vescelius, 2004). The entire linguistic estate is five place-names proposed as non-Taíno — e.g. Guaniguaníco, Camujiro — with suggested Warao parallels, an argument its authors themselves label "yet to be fully demonstrated."

Contact sequence / vanishing — stated exactly. No encomienda assignment, epidemic, or labour draft is documented for the Guanahatabey by name. The Cuba-wide machinery (conquest from 1511, encomienda under the Laws of Burgos 1512–13, smallpox 1518–19, near-total collapse of distinct Indigenous communities by the later 1500s) is documented for Cuba and cannot be assigned to them specifically. Granberry & Vescelius note far western Cuba was "not penetrated to any great extent until the hispanicization of the late 1600s and 1700s" and report sporadic references to the Guanahatabey "through the 1600s" as de habla distinta — "of a different language" — suggesting survival "until at least the 1600s, perhaps beyond"; encyclopaedic summaries instead say they "seem to have disappeared before any further information about them was recorded" (Rouse, 1992). There is no agreed last mention, no population figure, no self-name on record, and no known language family. What survives is a name in a 1514 governor's letter, hearsay in Las Casas, and five disputed place-names.

II.14 Macorix — northern Hispaniola

The record. Spanish accounts name three languages on Hispaniola: Taíno, Ciguayo, and Macorix (Las Casas, in Granberry & Vescelius, 2004). Granberry & Vescelius place Macorix in two populations — Upper Macoris on the north-central coast (Puerto Plata to Nagua, inland to San Francisco de Macorís, and on the southeast coast), Lower Macoris in the northwest (Monte Cristi to Puerto Plata, inland to Santiago), with an outlier on the Pedernales Peninsula. The name is not a self-name: it is a Taíno exonym glossed "unfriendly/foreign people." What they called themselves is not recorded. The earliest attestation is unusually direct: Ramón Pané, in the 1490s, recorded that "the province of Magdalena or Marolís [Macorís] had a language distinct from the other one," and that he himself at first knew no language except Macorís (Pané, in Arrom, 1974). Las Casas confirms Macorís and Ciguayo held a coastal stretch "more than 25 or 30 leagues" long with languages different from the island's general language (Las Casas, 1875, I:434).

The whole recorded lexicon is one word: baeza, "no" — "in the language called Macorix… they say baeza for 'no'" (Las Casas, 1909:633, in Granberry & Vescelius, 2004). A Waroid/Warao connection has been proposed from a handful of toponyms — a hypothesis, not a demonstrated classification; Glottolog gives Macorix no entry.

Contact sequence / vanishing — stated exactly. No Macorix-specific encomienda list, epidemic, battle or population count survives. The island-wide machinery that enclosed their territory is documented — encomienda legalised under Ovando in 1503; Hispaniola's counted Indigenous population at 26,334 by the 1514 repartimiento; smallpox from December 1518 killing as many as a third of the remaining Taíno by May 1519 (Moya Pons, 1979, and colonial counts, as summarised in the Hispaniola historiography) — and applying those figures to the Macorix would be inference; it is not made here. Summaries describe Macorix as already moribund at the Conquest and extinct within a century (Granberry & Vescelius, 2004). The closest thing to a last record is Las Casas, writing after his 1547 retirement, unable to recall whether Macorís and Ciguayo differed in language, "since so many years have passed, and there is no one today from whom the information can be obtained." Not known: population, self-name, grammar, any word but baeza, any date of a last speaker.

II.15 Ciguayo — the Samaná Peninsula

The record. The Ciguayo held the Samaná Peninsula and the northeast coast. "Ciguayo" is a Taíno name for them — Granberry analyses it as roughly "people of the rough/back country" — and, in Granberry's words, "we do not know what they called themselves." They are the first of the Caribbean six to meet Europeans in violence on record: on 13 January 1493, at the Bay of Rincón, Columbus's men clashed with Ciguayos who refused to trade the bows demanded — one Ciguayo stabbed, another wounded — and Columbus named the inlet the Gulf of Arrows (Columbus's log, in the voyages historiography).

The language: one securely identified word — tuob (probably twób), "gold": "here they don't call gold caona [the Taíno word]… but tuob" (Las Casas, 1875, I:282, 326, 434, in Granberry & Vescelius, 2004). Everything beyond that word — Granberry's proposed Central American Tolan connection, the older Hokan suggestion — is speculation built on it; Adelaar has called even the phonetic reconstruction "arbitrary." The language is unclassified, with no Glottolog entry.

Vanishing — stated exactly, including the part that does not fit a simple frame. Granberry & Vescelius's synthesis states Ciguayo "was moribund in 1492 and extinct very shortly thereafter," its speakers already confined to a peripheral refuge — that is, this people's contraction substantially predates Spanish rule and is attributed in that hypothesis to earlier Taíno/Waroid expansion, not to the Spanish. This account prints that attribution where it belongs: the Ciguayo stand in the Census's Class A on the three-missing test as the record stands, while the mechanism of their final disappearance — Spanish, Taíno displacement, disease, absorption — is not documented for them by name. No Ciguayo-specific encomienda, epidemic or slave draft is documented; the Hispaniola-wide collapse (§II.14) is context, not a Ciguayo record. Las Casas, after 1547, supplies the end-point: it had been "more than fifty years… since there have been any Ciguayo where the Admiral now rules," and there was no one left to ask. Not known: population at any date, self-name, language family, any vocabulary beyond tuob.

II.16 Shebayo — Trinidad

The record. Trinidad at contact was, in Boomert's phrase, "a complex multi-ethnic and multi-lingual conglomerate," its peoples all also found on the mainland (Boomert, 2000). On Ralegh's and Sparrey's testimony the Shebayo (Shebaio) lived on the south and southwest coast with the Lokono Arawak and Yaio (Boomert, 2000). The language is classified Arawakan (Aikhenvald, 1999) and survives as one short list — about seventeen glosses in de Laet's 1633 book and later compilations: heja "father," hamma "mother," wecoelije "sun," ataly "tree," hewerry "arrow" (Laet, 1633; Taylor, 1977). No grammar, no text. Glottolog: sheb1234, attested 1633.

Contact sequence — stated exactly. Columbus sighted Trinidad in 1498, but there was no permanent Spanish settlement until San José de Oruña in 1592 (Boomert, 2016). The Spanish founded only four encomienda villages, whose inhabitants were "most likely Nepoio and Arawak" (Boomert, 2016) — the Shebayo are not named in the encomiendas, and assigning them there would exceed the evidence. What is documented for Shebayo by name is flight: as Spanish–Amerindian hostility deepened — through Berrío's governorship and after Ralegh sacked St Joseph in 1595, freeing chained chiefs — "many… including Yaio, Shebaio, Carinepagoto, and even Arawak, now left Trinidad, flying especially to Tobago and the Guiana coastal zone," so that by the 1650s only some 4,000 Amerindians remained on the island in total (Boomert, 2016; 2002) — an all-peoples figure, not a Shebayo count.

The end — and what is not known. Shebayo vanish from Trinidad's record in the 17th century; reference lists give no extinction date beyond "attested 17th century." There is no last-speaker record, no population figure, no record of a Shebayo epidemic or mission — and because the same peoples existed on the mainland, disappearance from Trinidad cannot by itself prove the language died everywhere when it left the island. No later record of the language anywhere has been found. What survives is seventeen words in a Dutch book of 1633.

II.17 Yaio (Yao) — Trinidad and the mainland shore opposite

The record. The Yao were a Cariban people of southwest Trinidad (Ralegh/Sparrey, in Boomert, 2000), with a second Yao group recorded in French Guiana; Tassinari (2003) suggests they migrated from the Orinoco perhaps a century before contact. Even the name is unstable: "Anacaioury," attached to them in European records, "is that of a number of chiefs encountered over a century or so," not a secure ethnonym (Tassinari, 2003).

The language: a single wordlist, recorded by de Laet (1640 edition): nonna/noene "moon," weyo "sun," chirika "star," kenape "rain," soye "earth," parona "sea," ouapoto "fire," aroua "jaguar" — and pero "dog," already a borrowing from Spanish perro: contact sitting inside the only vocabulary that survives (Taylor, 1977). The language is "too poorly attested to classify within Cariban with any confidence" (Kaufman, 1994, tentatively links it to the extinct Tiverikoto). Glottolog: yaoa1239, era 17th century.

Contact sequence — stated exactly. The Yao share Trinidad's documented timetable, not a separate one: sighting 1498; no permanent settlement until 1592; four encomienda villages populated most likely by Nepoio and Arawak — the Yao are not named as encomienda inhabitants. They are named among the peoples who answered by leaving: after Ralegh's 1595 attack on St Joseph deepened the animosity, "the increased flight of Amerindians, including Yaio, Shebaio and Arawaks, towards the Guiana coastal zone" followed (Boomert, 2002); from 1687 the alternative on the island was the Capuchin missions, but no source consulted names Yao in a mission either.

The end — and what is not known. Reference records date Yao's extinction simply to the 17th century. There is no last speaker, no last dated mention of a Yao community, no population figure for Trinidad or Guiana, and no evidence establishing whether the Trinidad and French Guiana Yao were one people or what became of either group — absorption on the Guiana coast is the direction of the documented flight, but no source follows them to a destination community. What survives is one Dutch wordlist of a few dozen words, one of them already Spanish.

II.18 Haush (Manekenk) — eastern Tierra del Fuego

The record. The Haush — Manek'enk in their own language, a Chonan language related to Selk'nam — inhabited the Mitre Peninsula at Isla Grande's far eastern tip, among the island's oldest inhabitants (Lothrop, 1928, The Indians of Tierra del Fuego; Adelaar & Muysken, 2004). First recorded European contact was in 1619, when the García de Nodal expedition met 15 Haush men at Bahía Buen Suceso who helped them water and wood, and reported 50 huts — the largest Haush gathering ever reported. Cook encountered them in 1769; the Beagle, with Darwin aboard, in 1832.

The numbers, with their thinness printed. They were never numerous: Adelaar & Muysken estimate ~300 speakers before 1850; Chapman, quoted in Macnaughtan's Haush bibliography (2015), likewise gives "perhaps 300." Charles Furlong's estimates are internally inconsistent — ~100 remaining early in the 19th century in one place, 200–300 in 1836 in another, ~100 by 1891 and fewer than ten by 1912 (Furlong, 1915) — and are carried as a flagged thin spot, not a series.

The blows in order — hedged by people, as the evidence requires. Documentation is late and fragmentary: Salesian missionaries ministered to the Manek'enk; Father Beauvoir prepared a vocabulary; Lucas Bridges compiled a Haush dictionary and recorded individuals in the Bridges circle, including Kaushel and the half-Haush shaman Teninisk (Bridges, 1948, Uttermost Part of the Earth). Sheep-estancia colonisation from the 1880s, bounty hunting, mass killing, epidemics and mission concentration are richly documented for the Selk'nam — under estancieros Menéndez and MacLennan and the gold entrepreneur Popper. For the more remote Haush, Macnaughtan states plainly: "It is uncertain how this genocide affected the more remote Haush, but this small population became effectively extinct by the 1920s." That hedge stands in this account unoverridden. Chapman wrote of the Haush that their homeland "has been uninhabited since the last century, when a people called the Haush 'disappeared.' Some were killed by the Whites while others died of the diseases brought by them" (quoted in Macnaughtan, 2015). Haush and Selk'nam survivors congregated around Lake Fagnano and effectively merged; a measles epidemic in the 1920s was, in that account, the final blow, and the last hain ceremony of the merged Fuegian world was held in 1923, filmed by Gusinde.

The end. No named "last Haush speaker" is recorded in the sources consulted. Adelaar & Muysken date the last speaker's death to c. 1920, unnamed; Glottolog (haus1240) lists the language as extinct. Survival was by ancestry and absorption: in 1980, Macnaughtan reports, two people of Haush ancestry were still living on the island — Luis Garibaldi Honte and Enriqueta de Santin — alongside four Selk'nam descendants. The Census files the Haush Class A on the three-missing test — no Haush community, no speaker, no practice community stands — with the ancestry line printed here on the face of the account.

II.19 Taushiro — the northern Peruvian Amazon

The record. Taushiro (Pinche/Pinchi), a language of the Tigre River basin in Loreto, traditionally spoken on right-bank western tributaries of the middle Tigre (O'Hagan, 2023, "Taushiro," in Language Isolates II). Its classification is unsettled: Glottolog (taus1253) and current syntheses treat it as an isolate; Kaufman's proposed links (1994; 2007) are proposals, not consensus.

The blows in order. The early numbers are mission-era and fragmentary: the Jesuit mission of San José de los Pinches never counted more than 200 residents, with probable Taushiro speakers no more than ~150 by c. 1735, reduced by disease and flight; extrapolating with an assumed 25% initial mortality, O'Hagan suggests a pre-contact population "on the order of some 4,000" in the Corrientes–Tigre interfluvium — a modelled extrapolation, carried as such; press reporting uses the vaguer "thousands once spoke his language" (Casey, New York Times, 26 December 2017). The people resisted enslavement by retreating deeper into the forest, defending settlements with pit traps and dogs, and were reduced by epidemics; AFP's 2017 summary names "malaria, conflicts with rubber tappers and toxic oil spills." The twentieth-century counts collapse: 18 Taushiro in two groups in 1971 (Alicea Ortiz, 1976, via O'Hagan); seven speakers in 1975; one speaker in an ethnic population of 20 by SIL's 2000 count. The final narrowing is documented in family terms: the last five speakers at the Aucayacu encampment died in sequence — a brother paralysed after a snakebite, an aunt of measles, the father of malaria — until, in 1999, Amadeo García García hauled his dying brother Juan from a canoe and spoke Taushiro with him for the last time; Juan died of malaria (Casey, 2017).

CORRECTION, printed on the face of this account. The Census (§5.1) files Taushiro Class A on Peruvian reporting, worded: "At his death in 2017, Amadeo García García was reported… as the last speaker of Taushiro and the last known member of his people." This pass's first-hand checking of that reporting shows the wording is wrong: in 2017 Amadeo García García was alive — honoured by Peru's Ministry of Culture on International Mother Language Day, flown to Lima for a medal in February 2017, and profiled by the New York Times on 26 December 2017 as the language's last living speaker. The Ministry, which does not itself endorse the journalistic label "the last Taushiro," worked with him to build a database of 1,500 Taushiro words, 27 stories and three songs, and reported partial comprehension surviving among descendants of the Atontu'tua and Einontu'tua clans (Ministry reporting, 2017; Casey, 2017). No death of Amadeo García García is documented in any source consulted for this account (checked October 2026). The exact hedge is therefore "last fluent speaker" — a language reduced to one living voice, with descendants who partly comprehend it standing in the record. Whether Taushiro meets the Census's three-missing test today depends on facts (his death; the descendant community's standing) that the record consulted does not settle; the Census line stands flagged by this correction for the owner's ruling, and this account files the narrative — a people brought to a single speaker within living memory, by disease, rubber-era violence and oil contamination — without asserting an ending the sources have not yet recorded.

Part III — WHAT THE PATTERN SHOWS

Each claim below is either sourced in line or labelled as this entry's synthesis of the accounts and mechanisms above. The synthesis claims no more than the record in Parts I–II carries.

Sources

Programme record (cited throughout by filename): framing-and-findings.md; demographic-collapse.md; caribbean-and-conquest.md; massacres-and-removals.md; schools.md; disease-and-intent.md; sterilization-and-children.md; ../practices/diseases.md; ../practices/bannock-and-the-removal-roads.md; ../extinction/EXTERMINATION_CENSUS_2026-10-27.md; ../extinction/peoples-register.md; ../extinction/beothuk.md; ../extinction/yahi.md. Primary documents quoted: Trent journal and Ecuyer account (1763); Amherst–Bouquet correspondence (July 1763); Washington's orders to Sullivan (31 May 1779) and Sullivan's report (30 September 1779); Sherman to Sheridan (10 May 1868); Delano, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior (1873); Myrick letter (26 July 1862, OIA Special File 271); Velázquez report (1514); Pané, Relación (1490s); Las Casas, Historia de las Indias (1875 ed.); Franklin, A Narrative of the Late Massacres in Lancaster County (1764); Dickinson, God's Protecting Providence (1699); Fontaneda, Memoir (c. 1575); Torres y Ayala letter (3 February 1697, Hann Collection translation).

Scholarship and official records: Acuña-Soto et al. (2004) • Adelaar & Muysken (2004) • Aikhenvald (1999; 2024) • Anderson, G. C. (1986) • Anderson, M. K. (2005) • Boomert (1984; 2000; 2002; 2016) • Boyd (1994; 1999) • Boyer (2009; 2010; 2017) • Bridges (1948) • Brown (2006) • Budgell (2018) • Bushnell (1982) • Casey (2017) • Chapman (1982) • Cohen (1942) • Cook (1943; 1998) • Crosby (1976) • Dobak (1995) • Domínguez Torres (2017) • Fenn (2000; 2001) • Fixico (1986) • Furlong (1915) • Goddard (2005) • Granberry (1994; 2011) • Granberry & Vescelius (2004) • Greene & Thornton (2007) • Hann (1988; 1991; 1996; 2003; Hann Collection translations, 2001–2002) • Haviser (1991) • Hill (2014) • Hornaday (1889) • Jaimes (1992) • Jones (2003) • Kaufman (1994; 2007) • Keegan (1989) • Kelton (2007) • Kenny (2009) • Kent (1984) • Koch et al. (2019) • Kroeber (1961) • Laet (1633; 1640) • Lawrence (2003) • Lothrop (1928) • MacMahon & Marquardt (2004) • Macnaughtan (2015) • Madley (2016) • Marquardt (1988/2004) • Marr & Cathey (2010) • Marshall (1996) • Milanich (1995; 1999) • Milanich & Hudson (1993) • Mithun (1981; 1999) • National Research Council (2004) • Newson (1976) • Nunn & Qian (2010) • Nunatsiavut Government (2018) • O'Hagan (2023) • Reséndez (2016) • Rouse (1951; 1992) • Saunders (2005) • Smith, J. D. (2002) • Smits (1994) • Spruhan (2006) • Stojanowski (2005) • Sturtevant (1978) • Swanton (1922) • Tassinari (2003) • Taylor, D. (1977) • Taylor, M. S. (2011) • Thornton (1987) • Trigger (1976) • Trimble (1985) • Vågene et al. (2018) • Warrick (2007) • Wenger (2009) • Worth (1998; 2002; 2003; 2004) • TRC Canada, Final Report (2015) • NCTR statements (2019; 2025) • US Department of the Interior, Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, Vol. I (2022) and Vol. II (2024) • US GAO (1976) • National Park Service (Sullivan Campaign; Carlisle; Trail of Tears) • Minnesota Historical Society (US–Dakota War of 1862) • Oregon Historical Society / Oregon History Project • CRITFC • U'mista Cultural Centre • Library of Parliament (Canada) • Indigenous Foundations, UBC • Glottolog records (arub1238, sheb1234, yaoa1239, haus1240, taus1253) • Peru Ministry of Culture reporting (2017), via Andina / AFP / Casey (2017) • Republic of Chile, Law 21.606 (2023) • Texas State Historical Association, Handbook of Texas, "Karankawa Indians" (rev. 2020) • Uruguay 2011 Census and Argentina 2010 Census (via the standard Charrúa and Selk'nam records) • Instituto Socioambiental, Xetá entry; Comissão Nacional da Verdade, final report (2014).

— Account ends, 2026-10-27 pass. Sourced line by line; conflicts printed, not resolved; the unattested named as an absence. DRAFT — cultural review pending.

Blend record: blended into the senior history classes 2026-10-27 as history/class-exterminated-grades-10-13.html in the school tree (separation_build_2026-10-21/siteB_school_src/history/), senior band page card added to history/grades-10-13.html (backup grades-10-13.html.PRE_EXTERMINATED_2026-10-27), ads-config.js exclusion extended (backup ads-config.js.PRE_EXTERMINATED_2026-10-27). Registered in the strand's continuing table of contents (PHASE2_PRACTICES_REPORT_2026-10-27.md) and in this folder's INDEX.md. Not deployed. Rebuilt 2026-10-28 under the final-examination commission: §9 Enslavement added, with the §3 standing note and the §6.3 southern-record note; the senior class page rebuilt and re-verified the same night, beside the eleven new companion files of the must-adds, each standing as its own senior class.

For the teacher

This is the hardest class in the strand, and it is deliberately the most careful. Teach the evidence levels as the lesson inside the lesson: the Fort Pitt correspondence is fixed documented fact whose effect cannot be proved; the 1837 blanket story is printed as claimed-not-evidenced; the Sheridan "good Indian" speech is carried as probably apocryphal. A teacher can ask: why does the record refuse to promote the famous story — and what does the documented record contain that needs no promotion? The Taushiro correction box is a live exercise in the same discipline: a census line corrected on the evidence, printed openly, awaiting a ruling. Handle Part I §6 (the schools and the births) with the same care as §3 — survivors sit in real classrooms.

Pairings. Read beside The Genocide Record (the findings this account details) and The Extermination Census (how the count was made and guarded). The peoples' own chapters — the farming, the herds, the canoes, the treaties — carry the life that the mechanisms here were aimed at.

Language editions outstanding: history classes stand in English, the strand's source language, until each wing's translation pass; editions are never machine-made.

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